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Sunday Legislation #45009
04/04/02 05:57 PM
04/04/02 05:57 PM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
I would like to present, "Sunday Legislation" in the context of the Sunday Closing of the Chicago World's Fair in 1892. Elder A.T. Jones appeared in Congress to oppose such legislation. The following contains precious lessons for our time as history will soon be repeated.
**************************************************
Post #1

By A.T. Jones:

I will take a text tonight that will last a week at least. It is a familiar statement to all, I think. It is as follows:

"The people who will now see what is soon to come upon us by what is being transacted before us, will no longer trust in human inventions, and will feel that the Holy Spirit must be recognized, received, presented before the people."

Tonight, to begin with and to lay the foundation for what is to come, we will look at the situation as it exists tonight before us in the United States government. And for this reason I shall relate the experiences of the hearing that took place lately in Washington; beginning with that, and simply state the facts as they are before us tonight, and then afterward we can find out the bearing of the facts that already exist.

When the first movement was made for religious legislation by Congress in the United States, you will remember that we began to circulate a petition, which was, in effect, a remonstrance against anything of the kind, containing these words:

"To the Honorable, the Senate of the United States: We, the undersigned, adult residents of the United States, twenty one years of age or more, hereby respectfully, but earnestly, petition your Honorable Body not to pass any bill in regard to the observance of the Sabbath, or the Lord's day, or any other religious or ecclesiastical institution or rite; nor to favor in any way the adoption of any resolution for the amendment of the National Constitution that would in any way tend, either directly or indirectly,to give preference to the principles of any religion or of any religious body above another, or that will in any way sanction legislation upon the subject of religion; but that the total separation between religion and State, assured by the National Constitution as it now is, may forever remain as our fathers established it."

And the Sunday closing of the World's Fair, when that came up, this was likewise brought before Congress under this protest:

"We the undersigned, citizens of the United States, hereby respectfully, but decidedly, protest against the Congress of the United States committing the United States Government to a union of religion and the State in the passage of any bill or resolution to close the World's Columbian Exposition on Sunday, or in any other way committing the Government to a course of religious legislation."

To be continued...

[ April 05, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45010
04/05/02 06:57 AM
04/05/02 06:57 AM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 2

The Breckinridge bill was protested against in the same way; the bill to stop the delivery of ice on Sunday, last year, in Congress, was protested against in the same way so that our protest in this respect has been against Congress touching the subject in any way at all. But it did do it, as we expected always, of course, that it would.

While we were circulating these petitions men would not believe that there was enough of importance in it to sign their names to the petitions, even when they believed that the petition was all right in itself. Men would admit that that was all right. They would say, "I believe all that; but it is not of enough importance to pay any attention to; I would not take the time to sign my name to it, although I am in favor of all that you are saying. No such thing as that will ever be done." And because there were so many of that kind of people who did not believe that it would ever be done, it was done. And when they found out it was done, they began to try to have it undone. They began to wake up to see that they were mistaken and that it had been done, and then seeing their mistake, they began trying to retrieve it by asking that the World's Fair should be open on Sunday. And the reasons they urge for the opening of the Fair are precisely the same reasons that were given for closing it.

This movement for opening originated in Chicago. The Chicago Herald started it, and the city council of Chicago took it up and drafted a memorial to Congress, which the city council, with the mayor at its head, as representatives from the city of Chicago, took to Washington and presented the first day of the four days' hearing. Some of the reasons that were given upon which they asked that the Fair should be opened on Sunday, I will read:

"The wish of the Council is, That the gates of the world's Columbian Exposition be not closed Sunday. That all machinery be stopped, and that noise be suppressed that day, to the end that quiet may prevail, which is in keeping with the Sabbath."

That recognizes Sunday as the Sabbath, and of course there is a certain quiet that becomes it, and they wanted it open with the machinery stopped "that the quiet may prevail." That is the same reason that the other folks want it shut on Sunday. They want the same thing:

"That suitable accommodations be provided within the Exposition grounds for holding religious services the Sabbath day, to the end that all the denominations may have worship conducted according to their several customs without obstruction or hindrance."

That is the same reason that the other folks wanted it shut--so that they could have religious services in their churches:

"We recognize and rejoice in the fact that our country is and always has been a Christian Nation."...

And the leading reason urged by the churches for closing it is that "this is a Christian Nation."

To Be Continued!

[ April 05, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45011
04/05/02 07:52 PM
04/05/02 07:52 PM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 3

And the leading reason urged by the churches for closing it is that "this is a Christian Nation."

They said: "We are of the opinion that more good will be accomplished by permitting these people and all others who desire it, to visit the inside of the grounds than will follow from keeping them out. . . . We believe that the United States, as a Christian country, should open the gates Sunday as a recognition of the fact that in no branch of human interest or thought has there been more progress during that four hundred years of time than in the Christian Church."

That is exactly the reason that the other folks gave for shutting it: that the United States, as a Christian nation, should shut the Fair on Sunday as a recognition of the advancement made in Christian ideas.

"Would it not be a good thing to throw the sanctify of religious worship about the great temple dedicated to the things of use and beauty?"

And the reason given for shutting the Fair was that it would be a good thing to throw the sanctity of religion over the whole Fair.

So you can see the reasons that were given for opening it are precisely the reasons that were given for shutting it.

The Chicago Tribune, in mentioning the letter that Cardinal Gibbons wrote on the subject, introduced it in this form, in its issue of December 3, 1892:

"There is a strong and growing sentiment in some religious circles in favor of the repeal of the World's Fair Sunday closing act. One eminent divine after another is coming out in favor of this liberal movement. The possibilities for a series of religious demonstrations at the Park become more and more manifest. With the leading religious and moral teachers of Europe and America to conduct services every Sunday, with sacred music produced by choruses embracing, perhaps, thousands of trained voices, Sunday at the World's Fair will be one of the grandest recognitions of the Sabbath known to modern history."

So the other folks said if the Fair be closed on Sunday and the solemnity of the Sabbath overspreads it and this nation sets the grand example of the recognition of the Sabbath, it will be "one of the grandest exhibitions of the Sabbath known to modern history."

More than this: those who worked for the opening of the Fair pandered to the church interests precisely as the others did in working for the shutting of it. As soon a these things appeared in print I wrote a letter to Brother A. Moon, sending him these marked passages, and I said to him:

"You can readily see that the reasons that are given by these people for opening the Fair are precisely the reasons that were given for shutting it. Now that being so, for us to join with them would be to recognize the legitimacy of the legislation and the reasons for the legislation, whereas every one of these reasons is directly against everything that we have been working for all these years in Congress. So this makes it plain enough that we cannot put a single one of our petitions along with theirs. We cannot take a single step along with them; we can not work with them at all or connect with them in any way in the way they are working or upon the reasons which they give for opening the Fair. We will have to maintain the position that the legislation is not and never was right at all. The only thing we can do therefore is to hold that the thing ought to be undone. The only position which we can take is that the Sunday part of the legislation should be unconditionally repealed."

Brother Moon immediately replied that he had seen these statements and had already taken the position that I spoke of in my letter. You will remember that about the same time I wrote an article which appeared in the Sentinel setting forth the same facts and taking the same position; saying that we did not care a turn of the hand whether the Fair was opened or shut on Sunday but we did care more than could be told whether the subject should be dealt with at all by Congress. Therefore Brother Moon told the Chairman of the Committee and the gentlemen who were managing that side of the question in Washington that neither we nor our petitions could be counted at all in connection with that movement. The Chairman of the Committee asked Brother Moon what our position was. He told the Committee what our position was and how many petitions there were there. Of course all the names that were gathered upon that first petition, nearly four hundred thousand, are just as good today as they were then, whenever any congressman chooses to call them up and present them. They are everlastingly against the whole thing. Therefore the Chairman, when Brother Moon told him what our position was and the reasons for it said to him:

"You write out your position as regards this legislation, and I will present it as a bill in the House so as to give you a basis upon which to present your petitions and for your arguments to be heard." Brother Moon, in that room, dictated to Mr. Thompson of Chicago, what we desired, and Chairman Durborow introduced it with his own name on it. Following is the bill:

To be continued...

[ April 05, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45012
04/06/02 02:02 AM
04/06/02 02:02 AM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post #4

52d Congress H. Res. 177;
2d Session
In the House of Representatives, December 20, 1892.

Referred to the Select Committee on the Columbian Exposition and ordered to be printed.

Mr. Durborow introduced the following joint resolution:

"Joint Resolution to repeal the religious legislation pertaining to the World's Columbian Exposition. Whereas the United States Constitution specifically states that 'Congress shall make no laws respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof'; Therefore be it-- Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the act of Congress approved August fifth, eighteen hundred and ninety-two, appropriating five millions of Columbian half dollars to provide for celebrating the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus by holding an international exposition of arts, industries, manufactures, and products of the soil, mine, and sea in the city of Chicago, in the State of Illinois, on the condition that the said exposition shall not be opened to the public on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday; and also that section four of 'an act to aid in carrying out the act of Congress approved April twenty-fifth, eighteen hundred and ninety, entitled An act to provide for celebrating the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus by holding an international exposition of the arts, industries, manufactures, and products of the soil, mine, and sea in the city of Chicago, in the State of Illinois,' be, and the same is hereby, amended so as to leave the matter of Sunday observance entirely within the power of the regularly constituted authorities of the World's Columbian Exposition."

Then that being understood that that was introduced with the understanding and for the express purpose of opening the way for us to present our petitions and to be heard upon the question, we proceeded upon that idea. The arrangement for the hearing was made. Brother Moon tells me that if the hearing could have been had before Christmas he is perfectly satisfied that we would have been heard; but the hearing was not appointed until after the holidays, and Congress took a recess during the holidays and when Congress reconvened it was discovered that the Chairman of that Committee was another man altogether. I was informed that he had a dinner with Elliott F. Shepard in the meantime. Whether that had any effect upon his digestion or some other part of his make-up I do not know. At any rate that or something caused him to repudiate all that he had done and shut out the principle which he had embodied in that resolution and presented in order that we might be heard.

To be continued...

[ April 05, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45013
04/06/02 10:10 PM
04/06/02 10:10 PM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 5

Dr. Lewis, the Seventh-day Baptist, went to Congress to be heard. He told me that he went to Mr. Durborow, the chairman of the committee, and asked to be heard. Mr. Durborow asked him what he represented and what his argument was to be. Mr. Lewis told him that it would be upon the point of the unconstitutionality of the legislation already taken by Congress. Mr. Durborow told him that the Committee had decided not to hear any arguments at all upon the principle but only upon the policy of the legislation; not to consider any question at all as to whether it was constitutional or not, but that Congress had done it, and it was presumed that Congress had the right to do it. And any mention as to the propriety of the legislation would be entirely left out, and it was only considered now as to whether it would be better policy for the country to open the Fair or shut it on the Sunday that had been adopted by Congress.

When that was done Dr. Lewis had nothing at all to say, and made no calculation to say anything. But the third day and among the last minutes of the day, Mr. Durborow called upon him to speak, giving him five minutes. Dr. Lewis told him that he did not have anything to say, that he did not have his documents with them, and that he had no intention to speak under the circumstances. But Mr. Durborow rather insisted that he should, that he had five minutes to occupy if he chose. So he occupied them though in rather a perfunctory way.

Samuel P. Putnam was there for the same purpose, having several thousand of petitions in his pocket. He is president of the Free Thought Federation of America. He went to Mr. Durborow for a portion of time to be appointed him, and he received the same information--that any arguments as to the constitutionality of the question or the principle involved was not to be considered at all, but only the policy of the legislation. That being so, Mr. Putnam made no further request. But he likewise was called upon to speak, but was given only a very few minutes, which he occupied as best he could.

I did not get there long enough beforehand to find all that out. Brother Moon knew it, but I did not have a chance to talk with him. My train was late, and I arrived there in time, by hurrying, to get to the committee room as the argument was opened. So I did not have time to learn anything about the situation at all. After the hearing Mr. Thompson of Chicago came to me and asked me if I would take the balance of the time that day, the last half hour. I had written to Brother Moon that whatever arrangements they should make I would conform to when I got there. I supposed that was the arrangement. I told Mr. Thompson if they thought best I would speak that day, but I would like to wait until after the American Sabbath Union had spoken, but if they would rather, I would take the time. And so when I began I began on the only thing I knew. It was to call in question the legislation, but that was the thing they had decided not to have discussed.I noticed immediately that they were restless. The chairman was very restless. But I did not know what was the matter.

To be continued...

[ April 06, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45014
04/07/02 12:04 AM
04/07/02 12:04 AM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 6

So I will take up the question right there now. It is true that the chairman made a statement in opening the hearing that I understand now, but did not then. He said:

"The meeting today will be held for the purpose of giving a hearing to those favoring the legislation that is before the Committee. I think it would be proper to state to the Committee that the present case is somewhat different from the case as presented a year ago, and that the proposition before the Committee is to modify existing law, not create law, as was the proposition a year ago. Therefore the discussion before the Committee on this occasion it is expected will be held very closely within the lines of modification presented in the resolution before the Committee, copies of which are on the desk and which can be furnished to you, which provides for the modification of the closing of the gates of the Columbian Exposition on Sunday by permitting them to be opened under restrictions as stated in these resolutions."

That expression, "Not to create law," was the statement that I did not understand then, but do now.

Well, it was fortunate in another sense that I spoke that half hour, because there was no time afterward when I could have had a half hour. The longest time occupied by anybody after that was about twenty-five minutes, and the most of the fifty-seven speakers had only an average of about ten minutes allowed them.

Although the chairman shut out the argument I was making upon the constitution, yet other members of the Committee asked questions until the whole half hour was consumed, and every one of their questions was presented in such a way that I was compelled to strike the constitution and the unconstitutionality of what they had done, in answering the questions. And so the argument they wanted to shut out was presented in spite of the efforts of the chairman. And the very things that he refused to listen to from us were presented by others in a great deal stronger way than we should or could have stated them. My argument before the Committee is as follows:

To be continued...

[ April 06, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45015
04/07/02 01:38 AM
04/07/02 01:38 AM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 7

Mr. Durborow: You have just thirty minutes left, Mr. Jones.

Mr. Jones: Mr. Chairman, I expect to speak in favor of this legislation that is now before the Committee for a larger number of reasons than could be given in the half hour which I may have to speak, but I shall endeavor to touch upon such reasons as have not been dwelt upon very particularly hitherto. I shall start with one that has been touched by Mayor Washburne, to some extent, but which may be referred to a little more fully, and then I shall go from that to the consideration of other points.

My first point is that this subject, of whether the gates of the World's Fair shall be closed or opened on Sunday, is a subject with which the national government has nothing at all to do. It is entirely beyond its jurisdiction in any sense whatever. There are three distinct considerations--

Mr. Robinson: What church do you belong to? Mr. Jones: I do not see what that has to do with the question. Mr. Durborow: The gentleman certainly has the right to ask the question. Mr. Jones: Is he a member of the Committee? Mr. Durborow: Yes sir.

Mr. Jones: Very well; I beg your pardon. I did not know that the gentleman was a member of the Committee. I am perfectly willing to answer the question, though I cannot see what bearing it has upon this discussion. I am a member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. But I speak here today as a citizen of the United States and upon the principles of the government of the United States. And I may say further that in the way that Congress has touched this question, I may probably speak upon it as a Seventh-day Adventist. As Congress has entered the field of religion already, we have the right to follow it there, if necessity should require.

What I was about to say is that three distinct considerations in the Constitution of the United States forbid Congress to touch this question. The first is well defined by George Bancroft in a letter which he wrote Dr. Philip Schaff, Aug. 30, 1887, which reads as follows:

"My Dear Mr. Schaff: I have yours of the 12th. By the Constitution no power is held by Congress except such as shall have been granted to it. Congress therefore from the beginning was as much without the power to make a law respecting the establishment of religion as it is now after the amendment has been passed. The power had not been granted and therefore did not exist, for Congress has no powers except such as are granted, but a feeling had got abroad that there should have been a Bill of Rights and therefore to satisfy the craving, a series of articles were framed in the nature of a Bill of Rights, not because such a declaration was needed, but because the people wished to see certain principles distinctly put forward as a part of the Constitution. The first amendment, so far as it relates to an establishment of religion, was proposed without passion, accepted in the several States without passion, and so found its place as the opening words of the amendments in the quietest manner possible. . . . George Bancroft"

This is shown by the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution which says that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." As no power has been granted to Congress on the subject of religion, that is reserved to the States or to the people. That is where we ask that this shall be left, just where the Constitution has left it. It is a question reserved to the States. It is for the State of Illinois alone, so far as any State can have anything to say upon the subject, to say whether that Fair shall be opened or shut on Sunday. If the State of Illinois should not say anything on the subject, it is still left with the people. It is for the people in their own capacity as such, to act as they please in the matter, without any interference or dictation by Congress.

Not only is that so on that point, but if the Constitution had not said a word on the subject of religion, there would have been no power in Congress to touch this question. But the people have spoken; the constitution has spoken and denied the right of the United States government to touch the question and has reserved that right to the States or to the people. Not only did it do that but it went further and actually prohibited the government of the United States from touching the question. This lack of power would have been complete and total without the prohibition, because the powers not delegated are reserved. But they went further and not only reserved this power but expressly prohibited Congress from exercising it. It is thereby unconstitutional for Congress to touch the question. It was so at the beginning of the government, and this is why we insist that this legislation shall be undone, and leave it where the Constitution has left it--to the States or to the people.

To be continued...

[ April 06, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45016
04/07/02 09:25 PM
04/07/02 09:25 PM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 8

Mr. Houk: The language of the Constitution, I believe, is that Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion.

Mr. Jones: I am going to follow this question a little further and notice that amendment. The amendment does not read, as it is often misquoted, "Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion"; but "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." There are two meanings in this clause. When the Constitution was made, all that it said upon this subject was that "no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States." Some of the States had established religions at the time; I think all except Virginia. Virginia had released herself in a campaign directly touching this question. The first part of the clause was intended to prohibit Congress from making any law respecting any of these religions which were established already in those States, and the second part of the clause prohibits Congress from touching the subject of religion on its own part, in any way. In the State of Virginia from 1776--with the exception of the interval when the war was highest--to December 26, 1787, there was a campaign conducted over the same question that is now involved in this legislation.

The English Church was the established church in Virginia, and the Presbyterians, the Quakers, and the Baptists sent a memorial to the General Assembly of Virginia, asking that as the Colonies had declared themselves free and independent of British rule in civil things, so the State of Virginia should declare itself free from British rule in religious things and that they should not be taxed to support a religion which they did not believe, nor even any religion which they did believe. And the English Church was disestablished. Then a movement was made to establish the "Christian religion" and to legislate in favor of the Christian religion" by passing a bill establishing a provision for teachers of that religion. Madison and Jefferson took the opposition to that bill, and by vigorous efforts defeated it, and in its place secured the passage of a bill "establishing religious freedom in Virginia," which is the model of all the state constitutions from that day to this, on the subject of religion and the State.

Now then, that campaign in Virginia against the establishment of the Christian religion there, embodied the same principle that is involved in this legislation of today, and as that was distinctly shut out, so we ask that this shall be also and Congress and the government step back to the place where it was before and where it belongs. Madison went right out of that campaign into the convention which formed the Constitution of the United States and carried with him into that convention the principles which he had advocated in the campaign and put those principles into the United States Constitution, and the intention of all was, and is, that Congress shall have nothing at all to do with the subject of religious observances.

Washington, in 1797, made a treaty with Tripoli, which explicitly declared that "The government of the United States is not in any sense founded upon the Christian religion." And when Congress has legislated upon this question with direct reference to the Christian religion, therein again it has gone contrary to the express intent of those who made the Constitution and established the supreme law, as expressed in their own words. And for this reason we ask that the thing shall be undone and Congress put the government right back where it was before that legislation was established, and leave the question where it belongs.

Mr. Durborow: Your objections are simply constitutional?

Mr. Jones: There are some others, but the foundation of all is the unconstitutionality of it. Those who sent up the petitions here and those who worked for the movement in this Capitol knew that it was unconstitutional when they asked it. A gentleman who spent six months at this Capitol for this legislation, has argued for more than twenty-five years, in print and in speech, that any Sunday legislation by Congress or legislation in behalf of the Christian Sabbath would be unconstitutional. And yet he worked here six months to get Congress to do that without any change in the Constitution. For twenty-five years, he, with the Association to which he belongs, has been working to get an amendment to the Constitution recognizing the Christian religion and making this a "Christian nation" so that there would be a constitutional basis for Sunday legislation. But now in the face of that twenty-five years' history and work and in the face of their own arguments, they have gone right ahead, and got Congress to do it, when they knew it was unconstitutional.

To be continued...

[ April 07, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]


Re: Sunday Legislation #45017
04/09/02 05:43 PM
04/09/02 05:43 PM
A
adventbeliever  Offline OP
Senior Member
Joined: Oct 2000
Posts: 722
Abbotsford B.C. Canada
Post # 9

Another reason why we ask the repeal of it is that it was secured upon false representations. The representations which they made to Congress in order to secure this legislation were all false. They represented before Congress that the mass of the people of the United States were in favor of their cause, which has been demonstrated over and over to be false. It was forcibly demonstrated in the city of Chicago not quite a month ago. There the American Sabbath Union held a convention--a national convention. They had four mass-meetings the first night of the time in which the convention was held. One of those mass-meetings I attended. It was reported in the Chicago papers, of which I have copies here. I will read the Chicago report of it so that it will be seen that I have not put any of my feelings into it. The Chicago Tribune of December 14, 1892, had this report:

It Was Voted Down

"The American Sabbath Union suffered a defeat last night at one of its meetings which so surprised the leaders present, that the incident was a veritable sensation. It was an unexpected blow, and the more grievous because it was administered by one of the most sabbatarian of all Christian denominations."

Mr. Jones: This was not the first instance of the kind, as some present here will remember.

Rev. W. F. Crafts: That's a good joke.

"The Union opened a national convention here yesterday afternoon and made arrangements for four mass- meetings throughout the city last night to forward the movement. One of these meetings was held at the M. E. Church, South Park Avenue and 33d St. It was a small mass-meeting, but everything went on smoothly for a time and the 'American Sabbath' had everything its own way. Dr. H. H. George, a leader in the movement, Mr. Locke, and others advocated the closing of the World's Fair on Sunday, and vigorously denounced the efforts of the directors and of the mayor and city council to have Congress repeal the closing act. These speeches were warmly if not unanimously approved by frequent amens and clapping of hands. No one looked for any opposition, and so the following resolutions were drawn up in a confident and emphatic manner:

"Whereas, We are informed by the Chicago press that our City Council through the influence of Mayor Washburne has appointed a committee of its members to go to Washington for the purpose of influencing Congress to reverse its action with reference to closing the World's Fair on Sunday; and,

"Whereas, The Chicago directors have opened headquarters in Washington for the same purpose, notwithstanding the acceptance of two and one half million dollars' appropriation from Congress on the express conditions that the gates should not be opened to the public on Sunday; and

"Whereas, there are seven thousand saloons running open every Sunday, contrary to the State law; therefore, be it--

"Resolved, First, That we enter a most earnest protest against such official action on the part of the mayor and city council in using such measures in opposition to the action of Congress and spending the people's money in attempting to reverse the very conditions upon which the appropriation of Congress was received.

"Resolved, That we deprecate and condemn the action of the directors, who received the money from Congress upon condition that the Fair should not be opened Sunday (a bona fide contract), and are now using all possible effort to influence Congress to set aside said condition.

"Resolved, That in our judgment it would be more proper for the mayor and city council to close the saloons on Sunday in accordance with the State law, than to endeavor to influence Congress to open the Exposition Sunday, contrary to law.

"There was applause at the end, and then the chairman of the meeting, Rev. H. H. Axrell, put the resolutions to vote. To his and others surprise the 'Ayes' and 'Noes' seemed equal, with the volume of tone apparently in favor of the latter. The chairman then said, that a rising vote would seem to be in order, and he requested all in favor of the resolutions to stand up. The secretary counted thirty on their feet.

"'All opposed will arise.'

"The rest of the audience, with the exception of four who seemed to have no opinion on the matter, stood up, and the secretary looking astonished at the evident majority paid little attention to counting heads, and declared that there were at least thirty-five against the resolution, and what seemed strangest was that many of them were women.

"After a moment of wonder the chairman said he would like to have some explanation for the action of the majority."

Mr. Jones: I was there and gave the reason why we were opposed to the resolutions. The next day in their convention this thing was called up and quite fully considered. And so I read the report from the Chicago Times of the following day:

"Gloom pervaded the meeting of the American Sabbath Union yesterday morning. The unexpected set-back received at the meeting held at the South Park Methodist Church the evening before had dampened the ardor of the delegates, and only a baker's dozen were in their seats when the presiding officer of that session, Dr. H. H. George, of Beaver Falls, Penn., called the meeting to order. The cause of the depression was the outcome of the meeting the night before. Four mass-meetings were held Tuesday night. At the first three, resolutions were adopted in favor of Sunday closing of the World's Fair. At the last the resolution was defeated, the attendance, it is now claimed, being principally of Adventists. That was the reason of the gloom which pervaded the South Park Church yesterday.

"The committee appointed to prepare a telegram to Congress reported the following:

"'The National Convention of the American Sabbath Union, meeting in this city, respectfully request our Congress, and especially the Committee on the World's Fair, that no action be taken to repeal the Sunday closing law. Mass-meetings were held in four different parts of the city last night to protest against this repeal as an act dishonorable to Congress and the nation.'

"Dr. Mandeville was on his feet in an instant.

"'That should not read four mass-meetings, for one meeting was opposed to the resolutions," he said. "It should read three mass-meetings.'

"'Yes,' protested the committeeman, 'but our resolution covers that point. It says the meetings were held to protest--it does not tell what they did.'

"But Dr. Mandeville would not be hoodwinked by any double dealing of the sort, and the resolution was made to say that three mass-meetings vigorously protested against the repeal of the Sunday closing law."

And the Secretary of the American Sabbath Union for the State of Illinois wrote a correction to the Chicago Evening Post in which he denounced those who voted against their resolutions as 'brass interlopers,' and for having 'massed their forces to defeat the object of this mass-meeting.' That opened the way for me to reply, which I read here as a part of my argument and which explains this point a little more fully before this Committee:

"Chicago, December 17: Editor of the Evening Post: I would not needlessly add to the afflictions of the American Sabbath Union, but in justice to the people denounced in Rev. Mr. McLean's letter in the Evening Post of Thursday, as well as to bring that letter within the boundary of facts, Mr. McLean's correction needs to be corrected. That he should not have a clear understanding of the situation at the South Park Church mass- meeting of Tuesday night, is not strange. He was not there. I was there, and, therefore, beg a little space to correct his correction. He states that the Seventh-day Adventists, 'evidently supposing it would be a fine stroke of policy, in order to defeat the object of the meeting, massed their forces,' from the region of the meeting, 'with the result as published.' This is a total misapprehension. There was not a particle of policy about it; there was no thought beforehand of defeating the object of the meeting; and our forces were not massed. That there was no massing of forces will readily appear to all from the fact that while there are one hundred and ninety- four Seventh-day Adventists in this quarter of the city, there were only about forty at the mass meeting. And whereas, there are fully three hundred Seventh-day Adventists in the other three divisions of the city--west side, north side, and Englewood--there were none in attendance at the Sunday union mass meetings in those three quarters. If we had done as we are charged with doing, at least three, instead of only one, of their mass- meetings would have been carried against their resolution. Mr. McLean ought to be thankful that we are not so black as he has painted us, and that they escaped as well as they did.

"But why should they denounce us? Was it not--"

To be continued...

[ April 11, 2002: Message edited by: adventbeliever ]



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